It’s Time For A People-Centric Corruption and State Capture Busting Approach – by Reneva Fourie

The lesson from the anti-apartheid era is that social capital is powerful and cannot be undermined. If channelled correctly it can build, but if not harnessed, it can destroy. Attentiveness and responsiveness by the governing party, and the state in general, becomes imperative.

By Reneva Fourie

In 2017 South Africa witnessed a resurgence of civic assertion at levels that were last experienced during the late 1980s. This rise in activism should be regarded positively given that adherence to the voices of the people was the underlying thread that permeated resistance to apartheid colonialism.

“The people shall govern”, with a sub-clause that states that “the people shall be entitled to take part in the administration of the country” is the first clause of the Freedom Charter (1955), the base document of the congress movement. During the 70s, though it was an era where resistance internally was dominated by black consciousness, the call was “black power”, signifying both the determination by the indigenous people for inclusion in governance as well as pride in being black. A necessary precursor to building a non-racial South Africa, a thrust viewed as part of the broader strategic objectives of the national democratic revolution.

The 80s saw ground sweep defiance, driven by slogans such as “a people united shall never be defeated” and “freedom or death, victory is certain”. Once again demonstrating the determination of South Africans to be part of the governance process and that determination eventually, through an interplay of many factors, resulted in the collapse of apartheid in the 1990’s.

The lesson from the anti-apartheid era is that social capital is powerful and cannot be undermined. If channelled correctly it can build, but if not harnessed, it can destroy. Attentiveness and responsiveness by the governing party, and the state in general, becomes imperative.

Dangers of non-communication

The frequency of public protests against aspects of governance has been increasing in every region of the world and in every type of political context since the 2000s. Between April 2015 and March 2016, South Africa had 3 542 violent protests, not to mention the many non-violent ones.

This increase in protests happens alongside the perceived loss of legitimacy of traditional instruments of public expression such as elections. In our last local government election there was a decline in the number of people who voted. Even globally there is a slow and steady decline in voter turnout. This decline is not due to apathy, but because voters are frustrated with what they perceive as bad governance. Citizens no longer feel that they can trust the state and political parties; and citizens feel excluded from general governance processes.

In The Anatomy of Conflict Shannon Alders says “there is conflict because there is no communication”. The sentiments and behavior of citizens have to be taken seriously and appropriate platforms for accessibility, engagement and involvement have to be created. The absence of these platforms to strengthen the relationship between the state and citizens exacerbates frustration and contributes to conflict.

Enabling people-driven public accountability

Drawing on the proud history of popular resistance against apartheid through structures such as the Charterist and largely ANC aligned United Democratic Front; great effort was made to ensure that the post-apartheid state is a representative and participatory constitutional democracy. The basic rights and freedom of each individual as well as the promotion of citizen participation are enshrined in the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa (1996). Furthermore, Section 152 emphasises the rights of communities to be involved in local governance and obliges municipalities to encourage community involvement in planning and implementation. In addition to supporting local government legislation, the Reconstruction and Development Programme (1995) laid a strong emphasis on the participation of the people in communal affairs.

The legislative prescripts are supported by a number of instruments to optimise the participation of citizens in the process of public policy formulation, implementation and monitoring. These include Parliament, the Department of Planning, Monitoring and Evaluation, Parliamentary Constituency Offices, Community Development Workers, Ward Committees, School Governing Bodies, Community Police Forums, to name just a few.

But despite these platforms, there is a failure to reach the intended audiences thereby leaving many citizens alienated from state and party-political processes. This has been due to a number of factors. Either consultation was not executed effectively; or the needs of citizens are diverse and all these interests cannot always be accommodated or instruments used are not accessible, amongst others.

The ineffectiveness of these platforms is problematic. The state must know its citizens and communicate effectively. It must understand what citizens feel and how they are likely to behave. It must ensure that citizens form an integral part of governance processes. It is also important that the state has the data and analytical capability to integrate these factors into planning, delivery and accountability. Fundamental in this regard though, is that the governing party has to be rooted amongst its citizens as it is the primary contributor to public policy content. Non-communication with citizens and failure to make the people an integral part of governance can lead to political unrest and even regime change.

ANC going back to its roots

The ANC declared 2018 as the “Year of renewal, unity and jobs”. This theme emanated from deep reflection based on the 2016 local government results. Committed to re-establishing its historical relationship with the masses of South Africa, the governing party returned to the practice of engaging citizens; hearing and appreciating their key problems and frustrations; developing programs and campaigns around the problems; and mobilising citizens to be the core participants in driving its implementation.

Forced to look at weaknesses and to address it, decisive action was taken to regain the trust of our people. This included undergoing a process of organisational renewal to ensure that we are responsive to the needs and dreams of our people; to keep pace with and outsmart global and domestic threats; and to build better cadres.

Fundamental in this regard was to reintroduce the qualities of discipline, loyalty and accountability and to affirm the objective of a united, non-racial and non-sexist South Africa. Re-asserting political and ideological education became important in order for our members to be respected in society and to ensure that their conduct is modest, humble, empathetic, dedicated and selfless. Intensifying political education also ensures that our practices are infused with high levels of theoretical consciousness. The process also included conducting People’s Forums to ensure that the 2019 Election Manifesto reflected the voices of our people.

This engagement with citizens was important because we exist only to serve them. But renewal and outreach cannot be confined to the governing party only. It has to be coupled with efforts to enhance public participation in ensuring accountability within the state. While the current summits to address challenges in the country’s economy and key sectors such as health are important, greater efforts have to be made to enhance inclusivity, particularly that of workers and the poor. Furthermore, mass participation in oversight, monitoring and evaluation of programmatic implementation is required. An affordable, accessible but sophisticated and integrated platform is needed to capture and address the voices of citizens in a manner that makes them feel included and to instil public vigilance regarding state performance.

Realising people-centered governance through technology

ICTs are altering how public administration is being practiced. Electronic (E)-government is the innovative use of information and communication technologies by governments to improve their administrative processes; to make their services more accessible to citizens and businesses; and to increase the participation of individuals and organised groupings in the decisions and work of the state. Such public governance practices include people-computer interface management, digital administration, and virtual or online governance platforms.

Digital-era governance, the theory that supports E-government promotes the use of technology to make public policies, programmes and practices more coherent, transparent and accessible. It promotes that information and communication technologies are taken beyond the back-office and integrated into the governance system as a whole. In so doing, the relationships between the state, its entities, civil society and citizens are transformed and non-state actors are better able to shape public policy discourse.

Technology can assist to:

• Redress inequalities with regard to the knowledge gap and digital divide
• Accelerate access to and improve delivery of essential public services and the attainment of the Millennium Development Goals
• Enhance governance effectiveness (transparency, efficiency, accountability, citizen participation, systems integration)
• Provide real time information (disaster management, crime and traffic offence control).

Mobile or cellular phone technology can assist to ensure improved accountability and customer satisfaction through enhanced operational efficiency within government, in an easy and cost effective manner and through providing effective feedback systems. It allows for social and technological innovation to be combined in support of the states’ efforts to address key governance and policy challenges.

Mobile technology can be applied quickly and affordably because it has evolved over the past few years. It is now easy to integrate multiple solutions, in a secure manner, to improve the quality of life of all citizens. Technology is no longer top-down, heavy and centralised and is more citizen-centric and fluid. Cellular phone applications now have multiple functions and are no longer just used for fun and leisure. Citizens have been increasingly going online to engage with family, friends and organisations. Accordingly, states are increasingly interested in how to go online for civic engagement with their constituents.

We have seen the effectiveness of mobile technology in the private sector and there is no reason why mobile services or a cellular phone platform cannot be used to enhance governance effectiveness. Not all our people have computers, but most have cell phones. South Africa has a mobile penetration rate exceeding 133 percent. Most South Africans, urban and rural, rich and poor, possess and can use a cellular phone.

Conclusion

A developmental state, which is people-centered and people-driven has to lead in placing people at the center of public accountability. While protests, whistle-blowing and marches are useful instruments to hold the state accountable, the ANC, as the leader of society, has to ensure that the state has accountability mechanisms that are more constructive and less adversarial. Our people have to be true partners and core drivers in the country’s development.

It is important to ensure the effective application of the legislative prescripts and use of institutions that enable our people to hold the state accountable. But recognising that these institutions are not always accessible to the poorest of the poor, more creative empowerment mechanisms have to be introduced. Almost every South African possesses a cellular phone. We now have mobile applications that require only simple technology to enhance communication between the state and its citizens that is more affordable than traditional printing and which simultaneously offers significant data analytical capabilities. The cellular phone is the best platform for real-time information, improved integration and better report generation to enhance governance effectiveness. Where this method of mobilising public participation and accountability has been applied, the popularity of the governing authority increased significantly and complaints and protests visibly declined.