Social Cohesion As A Bedrock To Social Compacting – By Y Abba Omar
At the February 2020 National Convention for a Social Compact hosted by the Department of Sports, Arts and Culture, Minister Mthethwa made the observation that “The privilege attached to race, class, space and gender has not yet been fully reversed. The social, psychological and geographic elements of apartheid continue to shape the lives and outlook of many South Africans”.
By Y Abba Omar
A mere scan of our daily headlines affirms the crying need for a renewed commitment to social cohesion as a bedrock to social compacting. The Tresemme advert encouraging black women to use a product which will make their hair ‘normal’ sparked protests, acts of vandalism and generally a national debate along several lines. The annual protest at parliament against farm murders by bikers, the murder and and hanging of a white farmer in the Free State …the list goes on. Complicating matters further is that social media is rapidly resorted to amplifying emotions especially when rational debates are required.
An important question connected to successful social compacting starts by asking ourselves what is the problem/s that social cohesion is being recommended as an antidote for. Then assess whether social cohesion is the right medicine and the role of the ANC in administering such.
The underlying causes of the divisions we see in South Africa is attributed to the woundedness experienced by the majority of South Africans due to the traumatic colonial and apartheid experience, the persistence of racism and sexism in various forms, the tenacious grip of poverty and unemployment especially on the majority of blacks, and the ever increasing levels of inequality. These are experienced as extreme hunger, indebtedness, lack of access to social capital and inadequately skilled for the changing needs of our economy.
The woundedness we refer to arises from intergenerational trauma manifested in different forms of violence – racial attacks, violent crime, gang wars, gender-based, vandalizing of public property, cyber bullying and hate speech. Those who are most vulnerable to such violence are women, farmworkers, infants, children and the elderly, LGBTQI+ communities, and migrants.
The violence is not only physical – it takes the form of verbal attacks, racial tensions, breakdown of family structures, and outbreaks of chauvinism. It also takes the form of political assassinations, corruption and the looting of both the state and private sector coffers at all levels.
The Indlulamithi Scenario Project launched in 2017 aimed to spark a national conversation on “what would a socially cohesive South Africa look like, and to what degree is it attainable by 2030”[i]. According to this initiative, social cohesion refers to the levels of integration and inclusion in communities and in society at large. It is often encapsulated via expressions of common values and expressed in senses of nationhood and of shared ethics and ideals.
The project identified institutional capacity and leadership; resistance, resentment and reconciliation (RRR), and social inequality as the three key drivers impacting on social cohesion in South Africa. There are three directions in which the country can go by 2030:
- iSbhujwa –where in SA is still torn by deepening social divides, daily protests and cynical self-interest.
- Nayi le Walk – where there is confident spirit with growing social cohesion, economic expansion and a renewed spirit of constitutionalism.
- Gwara Gwara – which is a floundering false dawn scenario where South Africa is a demoralised land of disorder and decay.
The below graph depicts what a pre-Covid survey of 900 South Africans indicated of views in terms of the direction the country is going. Yellow represents Nayi le Walk, the blue represents iSbhujwa, and green represents the Gwarra Gwarra scenario. Interestingly, those in the below 34 years old age groups showed greatest optimism about the future, while those above 55 saw the country moving in the direction of Gwarra Gwarra.
Leadership in SA will therefore have to find a way of leveraging off the optimism of the youth and the cynicism or even defeatist attitudes of the older generations. This means reminding the latter of what have been achieved while channelling the former’s energy into socially meaningful endeavours in all spheres of society.
For example, there is no doubt that SA’s laudable response to Covid-19 has seen many positive elements:
- Government has placed the South African people at the centre of its concern, reflecting a return to our ubuntu-based core values.
- Mobilisation of the country around a common enemy. Every part of society has not just been impacted but also been expected to respond.
- There has been an unprecedented mobilisation of civil servants and public resources in the interests of the poorest and the most vulnerable.
However, there have been several negative developments as well. The most prominent of this has been the theft and corruption around funds earmarked for Covid-19. As the lockdown continued it was inevitable that there will be differences between government and key role players in business, labour and sections of civil society over the question of the relaxation of the restrictions. As we cast our eyes towards a post Covid 19 situation, the government is required to build on the social compact which is emerging around an economic recovery plan.
At the February 2020 National Convention for a Social Compact hosted by the Department of Sports, Arts and Culture, Minister Mthethwa made the observation that “The privilege attached to race, class, space and gender has not yet been fully reversed. The social, psychological and geographic elements of apartheid continue to shape the lives and outlook of many South Africans”.
The convention identified four elements which should lay the basis for a social compact:
- Building an inclusive economy: The need for economic growth was emphasised, pointing out that international examples of compacts were all based on economic growth and jobs. It was acknowledged that government can play a critical role in shaping the structure of the market economy by taking a carrot/stick for equitable distribution of the fruits of the market economy.
It was emphasised that part of the effort of creating an inclusive economy required transformation through B-BBEE legislation and Employee Stock Ownership Plans (ESOPs). Given the severe skills shortages amongst South Africans it was recognised that government needed to be more flexible in attracting foreign skills, especially from the African continent. Gender parity and representation of the disabled needs to be part of the transformation agenda.
Other areas which could contribute to inclusive economic growth are the speeding up of land reform, having an explicit incomes policy as well as social wages. Ensuring the national minimum wage is observed and where required examined upon, and development of an inflation policy. Addressing the cost of living is a critical part of this, especially addressing high mark-ups and transport costs.
In essence SA needs a long term sustainable economic structure, with a clear role and management of state-owned enterprises – the most critical of which is Eskom. Government is also required to work with the private sector in realising the full potential of SEZs.
The link between formal and informal parts of the economy need to be explicitly addressed, especially given that the latter is a significant contributor to employment. Part of this would be the encouragement of entrepreneurial intention by increasing the will, desire and disposition towards creating businesses. At the same time all corporates and government must play a role in incubating small enterprises and provide support if initially enterprises fail.
- Institutional capacity
Whilst the scenarios project was addressing institutional capacity and leadership key driver, the national convention focused especially on the role and responsibility of the state. It pushed for government to lead the compact of All South Africans, encouraging all social partners’ willingness to compromise in the interests of the whole country. As well as be willing to put aside narrow interests and take a long term view. It argued that we must build on the Jobs, Investment, Health, and Gender Summits while also considering mini-compacts such as around Eskom and energy.
Delegates argued that all of society must appreciate corruption is an equal opportunity disease which has affected communities most directly in the form of reduced investment in townships and reduced fiscal space government has for greater expenditure in social benefits. This has come to the fore most sharply in the limited options we have as a country in dealing with the response to Covid-19. It was emphasised that SA can and must become associated again with the moral and ethical high ground
In this context reference was once again made to the developmental state. It must not be associated with a bloated, uncaring bureaucracy. But rather it must be a well-structured machinery with technical capacity to promote the desired type of market economy. The developmental state is characterised by prioritisation, which requires political will at the centre and an agency to pilot the rest of the bureaucracy. There is no question it must do the basics such as delivery very well. At the same time, it must have the capacity for long-term planning, which in itself should be an inclusive process.
- Social policy
Whilst the state and economy are critical for laying the basis of a social compact, the National Convention pointed out that a progressive social policy was required to address rising poverty in the context of a democratic state. This means that at the most basic level ensuring that all South Africans are fed. This simple human right, so necessary for our survival, productivity and health, requires us to address the complexities around food security in its entirety – access to land, food production and distribution as well as the pricing thereof.
Building on that social policy needs to address unequal access to health system while continuously improving its quality. The rural/urban divide is seen starkly when it comes to issues of universal health coverage, as is manifested in the public versus private sectors. Covid-19 helped all South Africans to appreciate the resilience of our health system, as well as the dedication and creativity of our health professionals when confronted with limitations of the health system.
Despite the education portion of government taking up almost 20% of the budget, there remain many gaps in the overall system. The system needs to be more agile in preparing students for economic changes brought about by the Fourth Industrial Revolution and other fundamental developments. We also need to build a commitment amongst South Africans to protect our seats of learning – from ECD to tertiary, while making all SETAs operate more efficiently.
It is important to bear in mind that “non-racialism is improbable unless inequality is addressed” (Bass, Erwin, Kinners and Mare 2012:38). At the time, the ANC should ‘allow for progressive white people to develop solidarity across racial lines, and with other non-racist white people’ (Melissa Steyn: 2001). This would apply to all other non-black African parts of our society, incorporating them in the project to build a single nation. Celebrating ethnic, linguistic and other diversities within a single nation should be our gaol.
Non-racialism requires all of society, and especially the ANC, going back to our principles of non-racialism, non-sexism and united South Africa while addressing poverty, unemployment and inequality. Guided by our sense of ubuntu, we should tap into our fountain of humaneness in our relations with foreigners who come to our shores in search of a better life.
Delegates at the convention strenuously pushed for addressing the root causes of gender-based violence (GBV) and the patriarchal nature of our society. Given the progressive legislation passed by the ANC-led government, it was felt we can be hopeful of all LGBTQI+ people’s interests.
- Social dialogue and conflict resolution
Any social compacting project needs to address the mechanisms which can get us there and maintain the social compact. The Mapungubwe Institute has carried out much research into this, drawing upon both international experiences and some of the exercises which we have gone through. The latter includes the drafting of the 1996 Constitution, the development of the NDP, and the response to the global financial crisis of 2008/9[ii].
In the commission looking at this question, it was felt that we needed guiding principles to help the process along. These include recognition of making short-term sacrifices for longer-term benefits and that social dialogue does not eliminate disagreements but provides room for lawful and channelled expression of anger or dissent.
Amongst the mechanisms to be considered are high-profiled summits, which at times are derided but do have a place in mobilising to focus on particular issues. Also, senior leadership from all constituencies should make a meaningful commitment to NEDLAC which is South Africa’s pre-eminent platform for such dialogue. Of late there has been a number of debates around the future of NEDLAC. This should be encouraged so that South Africans can take on board the dynamics of our changing economy and society and forge a new social dialogue regime.
More investment is needed to attract, train and deploy social workers, psychologists, councillors and mentors to support the most vulnerable groups to be better able to become self-confident critical thinking citizens. At the centre of the social compact must be the involvement of the youth and the notion that we want them to inherit a better South Africa.
Social cohesion can be a critical element of our attempt at uniting the country, deepening our democracy and making it safer for all who live in it, especially in the context of the Covid-19 pandemic. Social cohesion must not paper over the various fault lines but must forthrightly address poverty, unemployment, indebtedness, racism, sexism and inequality.
This requires the ANC and its government to act as the ‘healers in chief’ so that we confront the realities of SA with a commitment to making our land a peaceful and prosperous one. For the ANC to play that role it must be united and resolute in leadership. As Abraham Lincoln put it: ‘A house divided against itself cannot stand.’ This becomes ever more urgent as South Africa struggles to emerge from the devastating impact of Covid-19.
It would require us to develop a social compact of business, government, labour, and the unemployed based on commitment to growing the economy, enabling an ethical and capable state, and providing a durable social net. The ANC-led government must consolidate the social compacting we have been seeing in our society’s response to Covid-19.
In the 2020 SONA speech, President Cyril Ramaphosa said that the social compact ‘is a covenant rooted in the strategic objective of our National Development Plan, which is to eliminate poverty and reduce inequality by 2030’. Admitting that the government cannot solve economic challenges alone, he pointed out that compacting has been taking the form of ‘mini-compacts’ approach he had articulated on many occasions before. This signalled the placing at front and centre the challenge of achieving social cohesion and developing a social compact. South Africa has a long history of trying to achieve the unity, trust and vision which, as we noted above, is required for social compacting.
This theme was re-emphasised in his address to the nation in the midst of Covid-19 on 21st April 2020, when the President said: “We are resolved not merely to return our economy to where it was before the coronavirus, but to forge a new economy in a new global reality. Our economic strategy going forward will require a new social compact among all role players – business, labour, community and government – to restructure the economy and achieve inclusive growth.”
